Barack Obama’s Desperate Search

In the beginning, Barack Obama assigned himself the mission of saving people that he saw as beaten down by capitalism and the modern world. Method was obvious to Obama. Americans must be pitted against one another, preferably along lines of race and class. The wealthy must be portrayed as villains who gather riches for the explicit purpose of impoverishing other people.

That a man bearing such poison was elected President of the United States has become a hellish reality. And now Americans are finally beginning to sense the depth of the hell.

We disapprove of a president determined to wipe out American exceptionalism with executive orders, legislation, federal regulations, and czar-issued edicts. Obama even leveled an attack on mainstream America by supporting the Ground Zero Mosque led by an imam with views and affiliations that suggest ties to radical Islam. By dismissing objections to the project, Obama bared a palpable contempt for a large majority of Americans.

Our President seems to delight in insulting traditionalists. Arrogance apparently provides adrenaline highs to a man who has a tough time feeling truly good about anything.

In his search for feel-good, Obama adheres to a postmodern philosophy explained by classicist Victor Davis Hanson. Our President pushes a treacherous cure for the alleged enslavement of the masses by capitalists: enslavement by collectivists.

Obama ignores history’s evidence that the collectivist doctrine of wealth redistribution uglifies humanity. Most postmodernists no longer even deny the insanity of collectivism, but instead retreat to weak thinking that spawns weak actions that ignore tough problems.

Weak thinking guides a morally paralyzed Obama. The President tiptoes around the edges of the Iranian nuclear threat and uses political correctness to avoid offending Islamic terrorists. In fact, being polite to terrorists is an Obama forte. Actually solving problems appears nowhere in the Obama toolbox. The President prefers feel-good non-solutions.

Consider that Barack Obama issues warnings about the gargantuan national debt, proposes no solutions, and without flinching, throws the money of Americans not-yet-born at a leftwing social agenda and bailouts for failed corporate cronies and unions. The rationale is simple. The massive spending invites long-term economic problems, but not spending would incite anger in government-dependent voters and campaign contributors.

Obama cannot fathom choosing long-term pain over short-term gain for the sake of acting responsibly. Surrendering to fact, logic, and sound morals threatens the Obama psyche. To dodge the threat, the President, like all collectivist preachers, ignores collectivism’s nasty history. Spreading taxpayer dollars throughout the collective to chase pseudo-solutions brings Barack Obama pseudo-happiness. Genuine happiness lies beyond his reach.

Not an idle claim. Polls show that liberals are not especially happy people. Liberals tend to go through life trying to “fix” everybody else’s behavior in a futile effort to feel good inside. Unsurprisingly, this grim pursuit of false gratification causes integrity issues. At least seven studies document liberals’ struggle with honesty.1 This character flaw causes Obama to assign any meaning to any concept to sell any “truth”—whatever it takes to avoid scary emotions that accompany hard solutions.

Rather than pursue solutions, the President still peddles “hope,” but a brand of hope that lumbers along ever more pathetically on two fraudulent dictums. Americans are supposed to accept that morals are relative and truth is relative. Worse still, believing in Obama’s hope means that one must be contented with non-answers to questions.

Because Barack Obama gives no real answers. He dwells not in reality, but instead transcends reality with eloquent rubbish. In a famous example, Senator Obama proclaimed that his presidential nomination would be seen as “the moment when… the rise of the oceans began to slow and our planet began to heal.”

But lately, eloquence has decayed to desperation. Obama, Press Secretary Gibbs, deputy secretaries, and Obama’s media mouthpieces scrambled to explain the President’s support for the Ground Zero Mosque. The mouthpieces issued lectures on tolerance and called Americans “Islamophobic” for seeking information on the monument’s builders and funding. We were advised that we are fearful. Hopeful people don’t need answers.

For a long time, hope’s smoke and mirrors fooled many Americans into mistaking Obama for a “thoughtful” man. Even today the President persists in delivering teleprompter-fed, supercharged gibberish.

But now the game is up. We see through the hooey. The Obama illusion is crumbling, the aura of worshipfulness dissolving.

Yet the aura represents life itself to Barack Obama. For the next two years and then after the presidency ends, Obama will continue to speak of oppression. Dismissing any chance that the prosperity-killing agenda is doing the oppressing, Barack will follow the recipe that won the White House: divide the people into oppressed and oppressor, fuel conflict, and promise to save the victims from the victimizers.

Barack Obama will relentlessly seek and sometimes find fleeting moments of feel-good. But as the recipe condemns yet another generation of low earners to low earning, Obama’s relentless seeking will distract him from making the connection between the lousy results and the recipe.

The scattered feel-good moments will never be enough to satisfy. So the man will go on scouting for victims that aren’t yet aware of needing to be saved. For Barack Obama, finding something to make him feel good inside will be a lifelong job.
1 Results from the World Values Survey, National Cultural Values Survey, Barna Research, Journal of Legal Tax Research, Journal of Education for Business, Journal of Business Ethics, and Journal of Psychology show that most liberals are not that honest—specifically, much less honest than conservatives. “Conservatives more honest than liberals?” by Peter Schweizer summarizes the results. Originally appearing at on June 2, 2008, the article is no longer available. The full text has been reproduced here for the reader’s convenience.

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